Archive for March, 2008

Election fraud whistle blower on the run

Published on March 23, 2008, 12:00 am

By Josh Maiyo

A team has been sworn-in to look at how the Electoral Commission of Kenya handled the General Election last year.

As the team gets down to business, one man remains on the run for having blown the whistle on breach of rules during the tallying of presidential results.

Mr Kipkemoi arap Kirui became a marked man immediately he addressed a press conference.

On December 27, last year, shortly before the presidential poll results were announced, one man —whose actions could either be described as courageous or sheer foolishness — came out in the full glare of local and international media.

He confessed anomalies were taking place at ECK offices at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre, Nairobi.

But immediately he addressed a press conference, Mr Kipkemoi arap Kirui became a marked man. Tension was high, nobody trusted the other and as fast as he came into the limelight, he disappeared.

What followed after were events akin to a James Bond movie.

In his address to the world, Kirui said: “I am speaking to the people of Kenya. My conscience would not allow me to see what I have seen and not speak about it. ECK is responsible for this mess. They (results) are altered here, not in the field. Form 16A is sufficient.”

Kirui had been mandated with tallying the results on Form 16A brought by returning officers while the Information Technology section would key-in changes for confirmation and signing by tallying officers.

“I did it for the first time but could not proceed to the second constituency because of shameless, blatant, open alteration of documents presented by the returning officers. My conscience would not allow me to sit and keep quiet,” Kirui explained.

He added: “I have gone public because it is important to do so. . .for heaven’s sake let us have a fair tallying process.”

Kirui says of his action then: “It mattered to me that my coming out would make a difference and I am convinced that it did. When I went to KICC to address the press, the situation was already tense; the paramilitary police had surrounded the place. I was sure a bullet would go through my head any time.”

Kirui then believed his intervention would save the situation. He thought the ECK Chairman, Mr Samuel Kivuitu, would nullify the elections and order a recount.

“I was convinced some action would be taken but little did I know that President Mwai Kibaki was preparing to be sworn in at the same time,” he recalls.

As a tallying supervisor, Kirui was responsible for the vote tallying process for one of 10 regions comprising 21 constituencies. This involved supervising junior staff who were meant to be in direct contact with returning officers at the constituency level, to receive and tally poll results by phone, verify them via faxed copies of original documents and finally confirm them by receiving the actual physical copies of original documents (Form 16A) countersigned by presiding officers and polling agents at the polling stations before the results could be announced by the commission chairman.

No verification

What transpired, however, was total confusion – a breach of the laid down procedures. Kirui says there was complete disregard for verification and proper and accurate documentation of the results. There was deliberate manipulation of the entire process, says Kirui.

He says none of the tallying and data entry officials recruited by the Electoral Commission of Kenya received adequate training on how to handle the exercise.

He argues the recruitment exercise continued to the very last minute. People were literally being recruited from the streets.

“They had school leavers from the streets joining the ECK tallying teams. I thought it was questionable, not because they didn’t know what to do but because they came very late, totally untrained and unprepared. We were then, as team leaders, asked to train people yet we didn’t receive any training ourselves.”

Kirui feels that the Independent Review Committee into the conduct of the elections should focus on structural weaknesses in the ECK that led to such a high level of incompetence.

“The level of incompetence could be seen right from the junior officers picked from the streets and put to do the job right away —seeing the forms and documents for the first time, without any training — to the highest officials and supervisors who seemed not to understand their roles and duties,” he explains.

He says: “The lack of organisation and lack of training was not just a failure to plan; it was a deliberate move to create chaos and confusion to manipulate the process easily.”

It was these glaring systemic weaknesses that allowed deliberate manipulation of the tallying process, he says.

Despite the real fear that it could well cost him his life, he felt that it was important to tell Kenyans what was going on in the tallying hall shortly before the presidential results were announced.

“I went public because of what I saw in Rwanda: The consequence of denying and robbing the people of their basic democratic rights, against a situation where you have skeletons of more than 250,000 people buried in one grave,” he says.

He recalls his trip to Rwanda: “At some stage, I saw the skeleton of a baby, almost 40 centimetres, with diapers still on and the skull had a big hole in it…you ask yourself how and why that level of animal behaviour could happen?”

He adds: “I saw our country sliding down that road and I knew I had to do something to prevent that slide, the certain and horrifying prospect of the consequence of a presidency being snatched from a winner. I could see that the country was already in a tense trance. I thought we were getting drunk, and I could see a slaughter and serious massacres 40 or so hours later. It could have been worse.”

But with this, he put his life on the line. With help from friends, Kirui managed to get out of the country. He had been warned, he says, by friends in the National Security Intelligence Service (NSIS) that there were people looking for him and that his life was in danger.

Fled the country

Kirui’s contacts in the police and NSIS had warned him that certain sections of the police were hunting him down and that his best hope was to leave the country.

With that information, he sought help from all possible sources considered friendly. He even talked to a few embassies and high commissions within Nairobi.

Some diplomats suggested that he leaves through Sudan, but the national airspace was under tight surveillance then and small aircrafts from every single airstrip in the country were grounded.

The only option was to leave by road. Uganda was at the time suspected to be supporting President Kibaki. That left Tanzania as the least risky of the available options.

How he was going to leave remained a big question.

Two days after his press appearance, Kirui called this writer in the dead of the night. The writer could tell he was clearly shaken and scared. He said he needed help to leave the country. He asked for any contacts with any foreign embassy that might be willing to help.

I made some phone calls and put him in touch with an embassy official I knew, and so began his extraordinary flight through Tanzania to Europe.

It was not easy leaving Nairobi. His two daughters aged 10 and 12 were upcountry, visiting his parents. His wife could not immediately leave with him as she had to fetch the girls from the village.

He was worried about leaving them behind, but knew he would be no use to them at home in death. He was comforted by the assurance that they would join him soon. According to him, many friends in the civil society and more than one foreign mission came to his rescue.

First, he took refuge in different ambassadorial residences. He was then taken to record a statement and swear an affidavit before a commissioner of oaths before eventually planning an escape route.

What followed was a harrowing 18-hour drive from Nairobi under the cover of darkness and disguise, through the Namanga border via Arusha to Dar es Salaam.

A week after he went underground, he was finally able to breathe a sigh of relief. Well wishers in Kenya immediately organised an air ticket for him and after being holed up in an embassy in Dar es Salaam, he was driven straight to Mwalimu Julius Nyerere International Airport where he took his overnight flight to safety.

Currently in his country of refuge, Kirui is now a student of human rights.

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Kenyan Poet Shailja Patel to speak on Race

Visiting poet to speak on violence in Kenya

‘Writers have important role to play to eradicate racism’

Kenyan poet Shailja Patel says writers have a vital role to play in eradiating racism in Africa.

Patel will deliver a special update on post-election violence in Kenya during the Time of the Writer festival in Durban this week.

“The voices of contemporary writers are absolutely central to the political discourse, the economic discourse and the cultural discourse that’s happening in the continent, and I’m very excited about being a part of that,” said Patel, a prominent activist of Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice.

Selected as one of eight poets to take part in the Poetry Africa showcase of the World Social Forum in Nairobi last year, she said her goal was to awaken herself and others to the probabilities and complexities of truth, freedom and justice.

She said dialogue on race, ethnicity and gender was important to avoid violent conflicts.

“If there isn’t a space to look at people’s attitudes about race and the deeply entrenched conditioned beliefs that people have about race, then we’re never going to have the kind of equality and genuinely diverse society that we envisioned for every country in Africa.”

She will update festival visitors on the violent protests that erupted in December after the announcement that President Mwai Kibabki had been re-elected.

“Leading up to the election, there had been a huge amount of hope and optimism and tremendous work was done to ensure a democratic and peaceful transition.

“Kenyans did vote for change. It was a mass, peaceful movement for a change of government and a change of the small group that has held on to power since independence.

“To see all of that suddenly subverted was heartbreaking, and then, following on that, the violence that unrolled across the country was devastating.” More…

Investigations and prosecutions are key to ending Kenyan cycle of violence, says new HRW report

Kenyan politicians helped finance and organize violence that claimed 1,000 lives after the country’s disputed presidential election, according to a report released Monday.

The report by the New York-based Human Rights Watch also found that police shot hundreds of people protesting the election result in Nairobi, the western port town of Kisumu and other towns between late December and early January. In many cases, it said, witnesses reported that the police had not acted in self-defense and had not been provoked.

Much of the violence after the Dec. 27 presidential election, which local and foreign observers said was rigged, took on an ethnic dimension.

Local political leaders from pro-government and opposition parties as well as businessmen helped organize attacks against rival ethnic groups or retaliatory attacks, the report said.

“As the country slid into interethnic violence, there were examples of the police intervening to protect lives, but in many other situations the police appear to have had little will or capacity to prevent violence,” the Human Rights Watch report said.

“The ethnic divisions laid bare in the aftermath of the elections have roots that run much deeper than the presidential poll,” the report said. “No Kenyan government has yet made a good-faith effort to address long simmering grievances over land that have persisted since independence.”

“Lasting solutions require a thorough overhaul of Kenyan institutions and a serious attempt to redress deep-seated problems that have been ignored or exacerbated for too long by those in power,” said the report, titled “Ballots to Bullets: Organized Political Violence and Kenya’s Crisis of Governance.”

It said the deep-seated problems include, “the ownership and allocation of land, the constitution, and impunity for corruption and the organization of political violence.”

The report was based on 200 interviews with victims, witnesses, perpetrators, police, magistrates, diplomats, Kenyan and international NGO staff, journalists, lawyers, businessmen, councilors, and members of parliament across the country.

After monthlong negotiations to end the violence and the political impasse over the disputed results, President Mwai Kibaki and opposition leader Raila Odinga signed a power-sharing deal last month.

“Human Rights Watch believes that there is no alternative to criminal prosecutions of those who have contributed to the violence, including for members of the police found to have used excessive force,” the report said.

“Kenya’s leaders, Kenyan civil society, and international actors deserve praise for uniting and bringing the country back from the brink,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “But the hard work starts now. Confronting long-ignored human rights violations and historical injustices means investigations and prosecutions.”

On January 22, we were called to a meeting by one of our elected [PNU] councillors at a school–word went around to all the youth. We were told they have work for us, just go and follow orders, everyone should bring their weapon. They said there would be food and, if we did a good job, money. At that time war was all around the town, there was no secret about the meeting. We went to get our weapons and then immediately went to [the] farm, we thought we would be able to keep whatever there was at the farm to loot, sheep, cattle etc. Someone had tipped off the Kalenjin, we met warriors waiting for us. We did nothing, they killed those who were unable to run away, mostly the older ones. Thirteen were killed. Then the Kalenjin started burning houses on the edge of town. I went home to sleep. I said I’ll never try it again!


Political Manipulation of Ethnic Tensions During the Campaign

Around Eldoret many Kalenjin politicians stoked ethnic tensions to mobilize political support among their ethnic kinsmen, a tactic familiar to Kenyan politics. To cite just one of many typical examples, a Kalenjin councillor reportedly told a rally in the town of Soi that, if elected, the ODM would “remove the roots” of local Kikuyu communities “so there would be only one tribe there.” One locally-prominent Kalenjin politician acknowledged to Human Rights Watch that, “Some ODM politicians would say, ‘we have a snake we have to get rid of.’ It was a clear metaphor for the Kikuyu. They did not see the repercussions of this.”

Largely as a result of this ethnic rhetoric, many Kalenjin supporters believed that once elected, the ODM would find a way to redistribute most or all land owned by Kikuyu to them. Human Rights Watch interviewed several Kalenjin involved in anti-Kikuyu violence who said they were merely doing by force what they had been denied a chance to do through the ballot box.

KASS FM, Eldoret’s popular Kalenjin-language radio station, was on several occasions used as another platform for inflammatory ethnic rhetoric. There is no clear evidence that the station actively sought to disseminate hate speech but it did not prevent guests from using the airwaves to do so. As one local Kalenjin politician explained, “What was on the radio depended on who was in the studio at any given moment.” Language was usually highly idiomatic but its meaning was clear to the audience. One report says that KASS broadcast an appeal for “people of the milk” [the Kalenjin] to “cut grass” [clear the land, i.e. of Kikuyu], and called for the Kalenjin to “reclaim our land.”

According to many Kalenjin community leaders in Eldoret North, for instance, the organization of violence in communities there was openly spearheaded by a venerable Kalenjin politician, an elected ODM councillor named Jackson Kibor. Kibor advocated the right of Kalenjin to kill Kikuyu in a BBC interview. [sic]

Direct Incitement and Organization
Divisive campaigning did not by itself cause existing ethnic tensions to boil over into violence. But in the days prior to the election, local elders and ODM organizers in many communities around Eldoret called meetings where they declared that electoral victory for Kibaki would be the signal for “war” against local Kikuyu. They told community members a PNU victory should be seen as conclusive proof of electoral fraud and that all Kikuyu were complicit in it.

Human Rights Watch interviewed Kalenjin residents of several rural communities who attended such meetings. The term “war” was widely used in urging a violent reaction to disappointment at the polls. One man from a rural community near Turbo told Human Rights Watch that a few days before the election he attended a community meeting chaired by a local ODM campaigner where:

He [and local elders] said that if there is any sign that Kibaki is winning, then the war should break…They said the first step is to burn the Kikuyu homes in the village, then we will go to Turbo town, [and] after finishing Turbo then we organize to go to Eldoret…They were coaching the young people how to go on the war[sic].

Human Rights Watch gathered similar testimonies from other communities around Turbo. On two occasions witnesses described police interventions that prevented militias from reaching Turbo town and Eldoret town, but in those communities, and in Turbo town itself, almost all Kikuyu homes and business were ultimately destroyed. One local Kalenjin resident said this had all gone “according to plan.”

One man from a village called Kiplombe told Human Rights Watch that he was forced to pay 1,000 Kenyan shillings (US$15) and a bag of maize to elders in his community to help cover the costs of anti-Kikuyu violence. “I am old,” he said. “They know I will not go to violence so I should sponsor the youths. Their aim was to clear the area. They say they do not want to see other people, other tribes, in these areas.” In other communities similar levies were raised, in some cases to try and purchase firearms and ammunition.

Many of the people who relayed the details of these meetings to Human Rights Watch said that they did not want to attend them but were coerced into doing so. In several communities people who did not attend the meetings were threatened with the destruction of their own homes. And at the meetings, an atmosphere of intimidation made it very difficult to speak out in opposition to the planned violence. “It is hard to disagree with 300 youths who are advocating violence,” said one elderly Kalenjin man from a village outside Turbo. At least one prominent Kalenjin activist was forced to flee Eldoret after receiving threats because he consistently denounced the violence.

In many cases the chief architects of post-election violence were prominent and well-known individuals. According to many Kalenjin community leaders in Eldoret North, for instance, the organization of violence in communities there was openly spearheaded by a venerable Kalenjin politician, an elected ODM councillor named Jackson Kibor. Kibor advocated the right of Kalenjin to kill Kikuyu in a BBC interview. He was arrested by the Kenyan police in February 2008, charged with incitement, but released on bond. In many communities, however, prominent local leaders who were openly involved in organizing and inciting violence have yet to be held to account in any way.

Human Rights Watch found no evidence directly implicating ODM’s national leadership in these events. However, all the Kikuyu victims Human Rights Watch spoke to blamed William Ruto, a member of Parliament, for the attacks because of his strong anti-Kikuyu rhetoric prior to the election, and in mid to late January nearly all the Kalenjin elders and youth that we spoke to said, “if Ruto says stop, it will stop.” William Ruto, who represents Eldoret North constituency, is a member of the Pentagon, ODM’s governing body. He denied any involvement in the violence, and explained the allegations against him by saying that, “In Western Kenya, all people of status and substance would be ODM by default, the majority of opinion leaders are ODM. Whether it is an ODM agenda or a village agenda those same people would be leading it.”


If we met a Kikuyu, we just beat him. I saw five people die that day personally. They attacked using all forms [of weapons]—arrows, pangas [machetes] and even beating with any crude tool. It was mob justice. The first killing…they approached him politely and asked him to produce his ID card. The one who got the card announced the name very loudly—it was a Kikuyu name. And the mob just attacked him. Those who produced IDs with Kalenjin or Luo names, they let them go.

Organized Violence in the Rift Valley
Even before Mwai Kibaki was officially declared the winner of Kenya’s presidential vote, parts of Kenya’s Rift Valley erupted into widespread inter-ethnic violence. The delays in the counting of votes and rampant rumors about the imminent rigging of the election sparked attacks primarily directed at members of Kibaki’s Kikuyu ethnic group. That violence in turn spawned a series of ethnic-based reprisal attacks in other parts of the country, with Kikuyu militias attacking other ethnic communities seen as broadly supportive of the opposition. Up to 500,000 people have been displaced in this violence and over 1,000 killed.

Human Rights Watch did not interview any victims of sexual violence, in part because victims may have been reluctant to report cases of sexual violence. Indeed, during January, according to medical staff in the hospitals of Nyanza, Eldoret, and clinics in the slums in Nairobi, reported rape cases were far lower than average. During February however, the true scale of sexual violence in the context of the ongoing instability began to emerge, with Nairobi women’s hospital reporting cases examined in its mobile clinics across the country up to February 24.107

Post-Election Violence around Eldoret
The inter-ethnic violence that swept across many communities in the aftermath of the December polls began in the Rift Valley. The epicenter of the first wave of Rift Valley violence was in and around the town of Eldoret, a highland town 125 kilometers east of Kenya’s border with Uganda.

As discussed above, tensions over land ownership and other issues have long been a source of mistrust and violence between the majority Kalenjin population around Eldoret and the area’s Kikuyu minority. Those tensions were exacerbated by the sharp ethnic lines drawn between opposing camps during the 2007 electoral campaign. Locally, support for the ODM was overwhelming among the Kalenjin while support for Kibaki’s PNU was equally prevalent among the Kikuyu population.

The Scale and Impact of Post-Election Violence
In many areas violence erupted immediately on the heels of the Kenyan government’s announcement that Kibaki had won the presidential polls. Elsewhere, it began one or more days later, but within the space of a week dozens of communities, including Eldoret town, had seen most of their Kikuyu population driven away. Hundreds lay dead, many left rotting in the fields of scattered hillside farms, and thousands of homes had been put to the torch.

Human Rights Watch interviewed Kikuyu and Kisii victims of this violence from more than 20 different communities. Some had warnings of the impending violence. One Kikuyu merchant from a community near Turbo told Human Rights Watch that on December 30, “My children came home and told me that [they] were told by other [Kalenjin] children that they had to go away from there. They reported this to me. They were not upset–they just wondered why their friends were telling them that.” He reported this to the police in Turbo, who assured him there was nothing to worry about. Hours later a mob burned his home and business to the ground.

The violence that followed Kibaki’s claim of victory followed the same pattern in many areas. Kikuyu residents of several rural communities made up of widely scattered homesteads told Human Rights Watch that on the night of December 30 they saw neighbors’ homes ablaze in the distance. Most immediately fled to larger towns or into nearby forests and returned the next day to find their own homes destroyed and looted.

In several communities witnesses told Human Rights Watch that attackers came in three or four separate groups, each playing different roles. In many cases, children were among the attackers. A Kisii victim, one of over 10,000 chased from the town of Gata near Kitale by Marakwet (Kalenjin) attackers described how hundreds of men swept through the town in different units. A Kalenjin man from a community near Turbo told Human Rights Watch: “We divided into groups, managed by the elders, in groups of not less than 15, and each group went to particular homesteads. They looted maize and belongings. The young people went, the old remained…the majority [of young people] went along.”

A Kalenjin man recounted to Human Rights Watch his participation in a mob that murdered several Kikuyu people in Eldoret town the evening after the election result was announced. The mob had emerged from a community meeting in the Kapsoya area of Eldoret where speakers urged those present to drive all Kikuyu out of Eldoret town. As the group set off down a road:
If we met a Kikuyu, we just beat him. I saw five people die that day personally. They attacked using all forms [of weapons]—arrows, pangas [machetes] and even beating with any crude tool. It was mob justice. The first killing…they approached him politely and asked him to produce his ID card. The one who got the card announced the name very loudly—it was a Kikuyu name. And the mob just attacked him. Those who produced IDs with Kalenjin or Luo names, they let them go.

The man was remorseful about the killings. “It was an act of brutality,” he said.
One of the most horrifying and well-publicized scenes of post-election bloodshed occurred in rural Kiambaa, a settlement scheme (land made available by the government to encourage settlement in the Rift Valley to relieve pressure on other areas) south of Eldoret. On January 1, a mob set fire to a church where terrified Kikuyu residents were seeking refuge, soaking mattresses the victims had brought with them with petrol and stacking them against the building. At least 30 people were burned alive, including a handicapped woman who died in her wheelchair.

Human Rights Watch interviewed several victims of the church attack at Kiambaa. One man’s five-year-old nephew was killed when a flaming mattress fell on top of him: “I saw my nephew on fire. He said, ‘uncle, uncle!’ but then he fell on his face because the petrol-soaked mattress was on his back and the fire took him.” Many of the survivors said many of the attackers were people they knew well. “They are our neighbors,” one man said, adding that he recognized “a young boy who sells milk, and the son of the man who owns the farm that borders mine.”

In several communities anti-Kikuyu violence was expanded to also include known Kalenjin supporters of Kibaki’s Party of National Unity. In several communities such as Turbo, Kurinet, and Soy, Kalenjin PNU supporters were forced to flee in fear for their lives alongside local Kikuyu. In other communities mobs threatened to torch the homes of local Kalenjin PNU supporters unless they agreed to provide a goat or cow as compensation for failing to support the ODM.

Attempts at Self-Defense and Reprisal Attacks
In most of the communities surveyed by Human Rights Watch around Eldoret, Kikuyu residents fled without a fight from the mobs arrayed against them. But in some areas residents attempted to make a stand and defend their homes. These attempts were mostly unsuccessful. In most cases, groups of Kalenjin attackers were large and organized and easily overwhelmed the small number of Kikuyu farmers who sought to resist them. One Kikuyu farmer from a community called Kilao told Human Rights Watch,

We were about ten, we threw stones at them but they had bows and arrows, pangas. We realized we could not beat them. They shot one old man called Mwangi with an arrow. When he fell they cut him and opened his stomach. I was running away and I watched him being cut.

A Kalenjin pastor from a community outside of Turbo told Human Rights Watch that in the area around his home he knew of 20 Kikuyu men who were killed trying to defend their homes, along with ten of the Kalenjin attackers, during three days of fighting.

In at least one case, groups of Kikuyu men carried out brutal reprisal attacks during the initial bout of post-election chaos. On the evening of December 31 in Langas, an Eldoret neighborhood populated primarily by Kikuyu, Kikuyu mobs killed and beheaded several ethnic Luo residents and left their severed heads lying on the road.

Kikuyu Reprisals and Mungiki
As displaced people fled south from Eldoret towards the towns of Molo, Nakuru, and Naivasha in the Southern Rift Valley and into Central Province, the traditional territory of the Kikuyu, they brought with them brutal stories of burning, looting, rape and murder. Their stories helped to stoke tensions among Kikuyu residents in these other towns. Local leaders and Kikuyu elite there and in Nairobi reacted by organizing to contribute money for ‘self-defence’ forces.

From January 23 to 30 Kikuyu militias in the Rift Valley towns of Molo, Naivasha and Nakuru led pogroms targeting local communities of Luo, Luhya, Kalenjin, and other minority groups seen as being associated with the ODM and, by extension, with violence against Kikuyu elsewhere in the country. During that week, hundreds more died, thousands were displaced and the army was called in to disperse violent gangs in Naivasha and Nakuru. Several serious atrocities were committed such as the burning of 19 people, including at least two babies, locked in a house in the Kabati area of Naivasha.

There have been many reports that the feared criminal gang, Mungiki, is behind the reprisal attacks and even allegations that it has infiltrated the Kenya police. The Mungiki are a brutal criminal gang that promotes a violent brand of Kikuyu chauvinism. They emerged in the late eighties as a principally cultural and spiritual movement promoting Kikuyu heritage and culture, but increasingly became involved in organized crime in the slums of Nairobi in the 1990s. By 2002 they were a well-established group with large numbers of followers and alleged ties to leading politicians. Since then the government has cracked down on them. In 2007 the group was driven underground and badly weakened through a violent government campaign aimed at its suppression. The Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights alleges that Kenya’s police summarily executed at least five hundred suspected Mungiki members in the process.

There are many rumors that individuals close to the Kibaki government have been involved in re-activating the Mungiki. But some leaders of the gang told Human Rights Watch that they remain opposed to the government and would not work with the Kibaki administration. The police apparently also believe that, “Mungiki high command are not involved,” in recent attacks, but that the violence has, “all the hallmarks of Mungiki operations”. The leadership claims that former Mungiki leader Ndura Wariunge is recruiting “defectors” to a “fake Mungiki” and mobilizing youth to order for politicians and businessmen in the Rift Valley.

The distinction between the various Mungiki factions will be an important one for a court to determine when identifying those behind the recent violence, but as far as the victims are concerned, it makes little difference who wielded the machete or threw the match. Victims commonly refer to any group of marauding Kikuyu youth as ‘Mungiki’. In fact the over-use and mis-use of the label serves the attackers well since the very name instils terror.

Whether or not the young men involved were genuine members of Mungiki or not, the Kikuyu militias who struck in late January were organized, paid, and directed by local leaders, businessmen, and, in some cases, PNU councillors and mobilizers. The extent to which the local organizers were in touch with senior PNU politicians or members of the government is unclear. But circumstantial evidence suggests that senior members of the government may have been aware of what was going on. Mungiki leaders told Human Rights Watch that they had described the activities of their renegade colleague, Wariunge, in detail to the police and the government. We were unable to corroborate this claim. Other reports cited by the BBC describe contacts between the renegade Mungiki leader and State House, and police complicity in the ferrying of Mungiki fighters to Naivasha and Nakuru. Several newspaper articles also describe the involvement of unnamed government ministers in raising funds for self-defense units.


“On Sunday morning the mob went up to Kabati [an area of Naivasha town]. They split into groups. Some of them I recognised, some of them not. They blocked all the roads, even cars were not getting in or out.” He claimed he joined in to avoid discrimination, but nevertheless witnessed the burning and killing of Luo residents:
I went along just to pretend that I was with them. I saw a man cut, and a house burned, the one with all the people in. It was around twelve in the afternoon. The house was surrounded by a mob. You can’t tell who lit the fire, there were too many people surrounding the place and watching. But I saw boys go in and take the kids out of the house before the place was set on fire with the man left in there. But they did not know that in the back room were hiding more people.”

Revenge in Naivasha
Revenge attacks for the killing and chasing of Kikuyus from Western, Nyanza, and Northern Rift Valley provinces began in Nakuru and Molo on January 24 and reached Naivasha on January 27. In Naivasha, Kikuyu militias met little resistance, but in Nakuru the attacks sparked a succession of Kalenjin counter-attacks. In Molo, clashes have been ongoing for many months even before the elections.

Non-Kikuyu residents in different parts of Naivasha town were targeted in the attacks. According to some of the young men that took part, several who were self-proclaimed Mungiki members and several who were not, there had been a meeting earlier in the week, on Wednesday, January 23, in a local hotel:

This was not done by ordinary citizens, it was arranged by people with money, they bought the jobless like me. We need something to eat each day. The big people at the [bus] stage, the ones who run the matatu [minibus] business, they called us [the jobless who hang around there] to a meeting around 2 p.m. They said there was a plan to push out the Luos because they were planning to attack us. They said we should be ready on Saturday. I recognised the leaders, they are the owners of businesses in town, they did not hide their faces. We were paid 200 shillings for going to the meeting, and we were told we would get the rest after the job, it was like a business.

According to the youth, there was then another meeting on Saturday, January 26 in the afternoon. The organizers present at the meeting were well known local businessmen who had campaigned for a PNU candidate and former MP during the election. The youth who attended the meeting recalled: “We were told that only Luo houses should be burnt and that the mission starts in the morning. Every person was given 100 or 200 shillings.”

Luo victims in Kedong IDP camp claimed that Kikuyu friends of theirs had told them of similar plans. One man described seeing three trucks with armed men arriving on the night of Saturday, January 26 in the Merera/Karacta area in the company of a local businessman: “My Kikuyu friends told me what was planned,” he said. “It was not a secret.”

Violence started across the town on Sunday morning, January 27. One of the young men who participated in the attacks said, “On Sunday morning the mob went up to Kabati [an area of Naivasha town]. They split into groups. Some of them I recognised, some of them not. They blocked all the roads, even cars were not getting in or out.” He claimed he joined in to avoid discrimination, but nevertheless witnessed the burning and killing of Luo residents:

I went along just to pretend that I was with them. I saw a man cut, and a house burned, the one with all the people in. It was around twelve in the afternoon. The house was surrounded by a mob. You can’t tell who lit the fire, there were too many people surrounding the place and watching. But I saw boys go in and take the kids out of the house before the place was set on fire with the man left in there. But they did not know that in the back room were hiding more people.

In fact 19 people were hiding in the back room including women and children and two infants under two years old. They all burned to death.

Other young boys living in Kabati also claimed that when the mob came they were forced to join in. A witness told Human Rights Watch, “On that day when the Kikuyu boys came, it was war. They forced us to go with them, I did not know them.” Another resident, a Kisii boy in secondary school whose home was burned by mistake, added, “Their plan was to destroy, they were looking for Luo houses, only Luo. They just asked people who was living in each house, they had some local boys who knew which houses to burn.”

Some Kikuyu residents of Kabati estate tried to claim that the Luo set their own houses on fire because they were afraid of the Mungiki. But a woman who had been chased by Kalenjin fighters away from her home in Kitale, in Northern Rift Valley, and had come to stay with relatives in Kabati said, “I’d rather be in Kitale being attacked by Kalenjin than have to witness again what they did to the Luos here; rather Kitale.” Another female resident said she had received several threats to keep quiet because of what she had seen and because she knew some of those responsible:

I know them, these jobless boys. I saw two or three people being cut and killed. One old man, Luo, was beaten, but he refused to die like that so they took turns chopping. Then the one who finished him off licked the blood from the blade, then they moved to the next plot.

In the center of town, a Kikuyu resident who was sheltering Luo children in her home described watching local businessmen and PNU mobilizers, the same individuals mentioned by the youth at the meeting, directing militias on the street in blocking roads, telling them “good job” and arguing with policemen on Sunday afternoon. Later, she said, a Kikuyu mob led by one well-dressed man whom she did not recognize came to her building with a list of three Luo names. They wanted to know which apartments belonged to the Luos.

Out of town, in the settlements where Luo migrant workers from the large commercial flower farms reside, the pattern was distressingly familiar with mobs burning houses, killing men, and, in one case, throwing an old man into a burning house.

Young men interviewed by Human Rights Watch claimed that they were offered 7,000 shillings ($100) for taking part and 10-15,000 ($200) for each Luo man beheaded. Luo victims and local human rights activists also mention similar figures.

The official total killed as a result of the clashes in Naivasha was 41. Twenty-three were burned, including 13 children, seven were shot dead by police and the rest killed with machetes. There were four victims of forced male circumcision treated at the hospital, all of whom survived.

Official Response
The police, with a woefully inadequate 60 officers in Naivasha, were not able to control the violence. Indeed, by their own admission they were only able to rescue those threatened with attack. The Officer Commanding Police District (OCPD), Naivasha, told Human Rights Watch, “We went to rescue people, that was our priority, so we didn’t chase the perpetrators.”

For reasons which are unclear, the police did not request assistance from the army or the prison service (which had 1,000 armed prison guards stationed in the town and available to help). Instead, the prison commander took the decision to deploy his men himself, as he explained to Human Rights Watch, “My people came on Sunday, but the public started protesting, saying they didn’t want us there. So we withdrew, and that’s when all the mayhem started.” Worse than that, the police actually fought their prison service colleagues. According to prison guards, there was a “misunderstanding” with the police resulting in one of their colleagues being shot in the leg by police.

Tit for Tat in Nakuru
Before the revenge attacks by Kikuyu militia, the town of Nakuru had escaped the violence that had engulfed much of the Rift Valley. Although the surrounding countryside was deeply affected, especially by the long-running conflicts in Kuresoi and around Molo, Nakuru town had been quiet. That changed on January 24.

Mungiki leaders told how local businessmen and politicians met at a local hotel on January 24 to organize themselves. A businessman who was present confirmed to a local journalist that the meeting, one of several, did take place Many rumors exist in Nakuru town about who was at the meetings and who was actually behind the co-ordinated attacks of January 24-26. The testimony provided to Human Rights Watch does not substantiate allegations against specific individuals, but from the pattern of attacks it was clearly an organized operation and sympathetic Kikuyus warned their non-Kikuyu friends and neighbors to leave ahead of time. For example, a journalist was told by someone present at the organizing meetings: “get as far away as you can.” Non-Kikuyu residents of ‘Free Area’, a suburb of Nakuru, described being warned by Kikuyu friends, “there’s going to be an operation.”

On January 25, large numbers of armed Kikuyu men carrying pangas, knives, and petrol bombs attacked non-Kikuyu homes in several different areas of Nakuru town.

In the ‘Free Area’ suburb, many Kalenjin and Luos sought safety in the compound of a local leader. Here, at least, the police, in the face of large crowds, appear to have done what they could to fulfil their responsibility to protect members of the public. One man described seeing police chasing groups of armed men coming out of a neighboring house belonging to a former MP. “They came out from [his place] and they all had new pangas, shining in the sun.” That same morning a woman who attempted to leave the compound where police were protecting non-Kikuyu, was hacked to death by the mob in front of those sheltering there. “We watched through the fence,” explained one witness.

The Kikuyu militias were also forcibly circumcising Luo men. One Luhya witness was spared because he was already circumcised but he was forced to accompany the group:

Our group was about 50 people—spread along the road. The Kikuyus then started checking everybody, and circumcising Luos right there. I saw two of these. They grabbed one man, about 30 years old, and told him to remove his pants. He just kept saying, ‘What?! What?’ Then they forcibly removed his pants. One was holding his penis, and another one was cutting his foreskin with a piece of a broken Fanta bottle. Others were cheering, chanting ‘Ohe, ohe’ and saying, ‘Kill him.’ They were saying all Luos should go back to Nyanza… The other man was 50 or 60 years old. They saw him on the road, and started yelling, ‘Luo, Luo.’ They seized him, and first removed all his clothes. Then several people lifted him up, and one men grabbed his penis, and another one circumcised him with his panga. They then dropped the old man on the ground and started hacking him, and then cut his head off. Nobody dared to help him.

Kalenjin Reprisals
Most of the displaced Luos interviewed by Human Rights Watch were temporarily living in the Furaha Stadium, waiting to leave to their “ancestral areas” of Nyanza and Western province. However, the Kalenjin communities within and around Nakuru town struck back on subsequent days. They attacked and burnt Githima estate, a majority Kikuyu area. They also attacked the Mwareke area on the southern side of the town.

According to one Kikuyu youth who was called to help defend against the Kalenjin in Mwareke, the Kalenjin men and boys were also organized and paid to fight, echoing earlier reports
We cornered one of them. He confessed and said, ‘Actually I was just pushed and paid to fight.’ He was asking for forgiveness, although in fact we just killed him anyway. He said he was a Standard Eight pupil, this year he was supposed to go to Form One [first year of secondary school]. The Nakuru Provincial hospital confirmed that the victims of the clashes were from all ethnic groups. A medical official at the hospital told Human Rights Watch, “The majority were men, no children. Kikuyus, Kalenjin, Luos, and Luhyas. At the beginning, mostly Kikuyus, then others. Those from Nakuru town were mostly Luos; those from the district – Kalenjins and Kikuyus.”

The hospital morgue reported 56 deaths, while the municipal morgue recorded 105 separate deaths since the beginning of the revenge attacks on January 25, an official total of 161 for Nakuru district alone. In addition, hundreds of houses belonging to people on all sides were burned and thousands of people were displaced.

Police Response
Several witnesses describe the police protecting the house of the local leader in ‘Free Area’ and firing in the air to disperse mobs in various areas in Nakuru town and Phodamali in Nakuru district. From the witness descriptions it appears that the police were hopelessly outnumbered. Numerous people describe the compound being surrounded by hundreds, if not thousands of armed Kikuyu men, shaking the fence and threatening those inside while GSU police struggled to scare them away.

The senior police officer for Nakuru, the Officer Commanding Police District, was transferred immediately after the clashes. His successor, who began work on February 3, claimed no knowledge of arrests prior to that date, nor when meeting Human Rights Watch did he know if any investigations were underway in connection with the organization of the attacks. Between February 3 and 18 he had made approximately 30 arrests in connection with the attacks, but all of those suspects were released on bail. The police spokesman in Nairobi claims that vigorous investigations into the organization of the attacks in Nakuru are underway. However, this is not the view from the ground.

An Endless Cycle of Violence in Molo
Molo town and district have been the site of ethnic clashes for many years, dating back to the last wave of state-sponsored violence in the early 1990s. Violence flared again in 2003, 2005, and 2006. In the run up to the election of December 2007 politicians incited militias to attack supporters of rivals and populations unlikely to vote for them In nearly all of these incidents, the Kikuyu population were the victims of violence and not the perpetrators. Immediately following the announcement of the presidential election result, attacks against Kikuyus and their property began again. But now Kikuyu are also beginning to perpetrate revenge attacks.

In previous bouts of violence in Molo, including prior to the 2007 election, MPs and former MPs have been implicated. Human Rights Watch heard testimony describing the organization or facilitation of violence since the December 2007 election by both opposition ODM and ruling party PNU representatives.

A former councillor in Sirikwa, where an ODM MP has a house, described how, beginning on December 31 armed Kalenjin fighters gathered in the MP’s property and launched attacks on neighboring Kikuyu houses from there. A Kikuyu neighbor of the MP described a similar scene: “[The MP] was away but a local Kalenjin leader who I know had boys there under orders, he told me to get out of my house and they looted everything….Three days later more fighters came from Bomet, they were all staying at [his] place.” Many houses were burnt and most Kikuyu residents fled to Molo town. Killings and arson took place in many other villages in Kuresoi and Molo districts.

Later in January, Kikuyu leaders organized a counterattack at a farm, the home of a Kalenjin businessmen alleged to be involved in funding Kalenjin militia. One of the Kikuyu youth who went along to the meeting and took part in the subsequent attack explained what happened:

On January 22, we were called to a meeting by one of our elected [PNU] councillors at a school–word went around to all the youth. We were told they have work for us, just go and follow orders, everyone should bring their weapon. They said there would be food and, if we did a good job, money. At that time war was all around the town, there was no secret about the meeting. We went to get our weapons and then immediately went to [the] farm, we thought we would be able to keep whatever there was at the farm to loot, sheep, cattle etc. Someone had tipped off the Kalenjin, we met warriors waiting for us. We did nothing, they killed those who were unable to run away, mostly the older ones. Thirteen were killed. Then the Kalenjin started burning houses on the edge of town. I went home to sleep. I said I’ll never try it again!

Other youth who took part together with local human rights activists confirmed the numbers of dead and the account of the incident, including naming those who had organized it. The episode seems not to have deterred other groups of Kikuyu from attacking Kalenjin communities and burning Kalenjin businesses in neighboring towns. In Mau Summit, 15 kilometers from Molo, Kalenjin men showed Human Rights Watch where Kikuyu militias had burned Kalenjin businesses and homes and explained that, “they burned ours so we burned theirs.” They proceeded to show us the many more Kikuyu properties that had been razed to the ground. As of March 1, further attacks were continuing.

Chased from Central Province
Following the rigged election, there was tension in Central Province, a traditional Kikuyu area, among people from different ethnic groups, but few incidents of violence. As displaced people returned from the Rift Valley and news spread of the killings in Eldoret and elsewhere, the temperature rose and animosity against non-Kikuyu populations associated with the opposition grew. By mid to late January those feelings were beginning to boil over.

Verbal warnings and leaflets started circulating giving non-Kikuyu residents in Thika, Juja, Nyeri, and other towns in Central Province a deadline for leaving. Some said a week, others, like this eerily poetic leaflet seen by Human Rights Watch, said, “No more clashes but war. Luo, Luya and Nandi we give you 24 hrs you pack and go – failure to that we need 200 heads b4 peace hold once more.”

Those on the receiving end of such threats said that they reported the matter to the police. Nevertheless, they did not feel safe and on January 31 many people from those communities moved to police stations for protection. Those who did not leave or move to the police stations received a visit from masked men who threatened to behead them if they did not move. According to one man who fled, the masked men said: “Are you Luos? So what are you still doing here?! Get out or tonight we’ll come for your heads.”

Police Response
The police did in fact arrest some of the perpetrators and brought them to Thika police station where displaced persons were gathered on Friday, February 1. According to witnesses at the police station, an angry Kikuyu mob surrounded the police station on the following morning and the local MP, George Thuo, persuaded the police to release the arrested persons “for the sake of peace.”

The Potential Long-Term Impact of Violence: Ethnic Engineering
The events of the first months of 2008 have dramatically altered the ethnic makeup of many parts of Kenya. Scores of communities across the Rift Valley, including most of Eldoret itself, are no longer home to any Kikuyu residents. The rural areas outside of Naivasha, Nakuru, and Molo are similarly emptying of Kikuyu while Kalenjin and Luo are leaving the urban areas. In Central Province, few non-Kikuyu remain. The slums of Mathare, Kibera and others in Nairobi have been carved into enclaves where vigilantes from one ethnic group or another patrol ‘their’ areas.

Many have moved to different parts of the country where their ethnic group is in the majority, sometimes referred to as ‘ancestral’ areas. But displaced persons’ camps all over the country are still full of people who have nowhere to go. Some displaced residents would like to return home. As one farmer forced to seek shelter at the displaced persons camp in Eldoret put it, “My house has been burnt three times: in 1992, 1997 and now. I return each time because I have nowhere else to go.” But others are stuck between a rock and a hard place, with nowhere to move to and yet unwilling to risk return to their property.

All the displaced Luo from Central Province interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that they would not go back there. And a large majority of the displaced Kikuyu interviewed said that they would not consider returning home because they could not feel safe either.

Human Rights Watch interviewed many Kalenjin residents of affected communities who either participated in or supported the violence against local Kikuyu. Most were emphatic in declaring that they would never allow their former neighbors to return. Young men in several different communities said that they had not originally sought to kill Kikuyu residents but would do so if they tried to reclaim their land. As one Kalenjin elder near Burnt Forest put it, “if they come back, it will be war again.” Then he drew his index finger across his throat. Kikuyu elders in Naivasha meanwhile explained that the Luos chased from there should never return.

As displaced people move to communities where their ethnic group is in the majority, there is a real risk that ethnic jingoism will increase and tensions rise as victims share their stories. For a country with 42 ethnic groups, such a situation is a social, economic, and moral disaster. Essential health and education services are already under strain as staff from the ‘wrong’ ethnic group seek transfers or simply desert their posts.

In order to forestall further deleterious effect of this social re-engineering, a national plan should be agreed by the parties to the coalition government and civil society for the safe return or re-location of displaced populations. Both the ODM and PNU mediation teams have discussed the formation of joint teams to assist re-settlement of displaced populations, but rushing to provide transport for destitute people to go to ancestral areas that they may not even recognize, risks encouraging the ethnic fragmentation of the country.

Options for safe and voluntary return and local reconciliation must be a part of such discussions. The government’s approach to resolving the many questions around the rights of IDPs should be informed by the United Nations Guiding Principles on internally displaced persons. Article 12 of the Pact for Security, Stability, and Development in the Great Lakes Region, which Kenya has ratified, commits states to implementation of national legislation for the protection of internally displaced persons.

Given the history of displacement in Kenya, both due to previous political violence and the arbitrary seizure of land, there must be a comprehensive solution guaranteeing the rights of all internally displaced persons.

Africa’s Deadly Merry-go-round

Following the arrest of the notorious gun-runner Victor Bout I decided to look into his connections with the Kenyan Sanjivan Ruprah more closely and the following is what was thrown up. It’s only a partial description of the viper’s nest at the heart of the African mining and arms trade and it’s not pretty.

“you find the gap in which … less well-developed governments and military forces, require some military expertise and support … the Sandline idea was to be able to provide that … I mean obviously, in our business we keep a fairly good database of conflict or potential conflicts …” Tim Spicer, Sandline International

It’s a complex spider’s web of international companies that all have one interest – to get their hands on Africa’s mining rights. It’s naked neo-colonialism but this time carried out by a comprador class of corrupt African elite who sell off resources belonging to their people to mercernary firms in exchange for great riches and power. The vast majority of Africa’s people remain poor despite being heirs to the most minerally rich part of the world and not only that, their lives have become expendable in the rush to accumulate even greater wealth. In Angola 500,000 people died while Angola’s diamonds were used to fund both sides of the civil war and in Sierra Leone 50,000 people were massacred. In the Democratic Republic of Congo the figure is estimated to be 5,000,000.

At the heart of Africa’s conflicts over oil and gems was a South African mercenary outfit called Executive Outcomes. It remains one of the more visible mercenary companies to be employed by weakened regimes or rebel groups in regions of Africa where western mining interests were threatened.

One of the company’s first ventures was into Angola where it was tasked with recapturing Chevron and Sonangol’s oil facilities from Jonas Savimbi’s Unita rebels.

The now defunct EO was founded by Eeben Barlow a former commander of the South African Buffalo Battalion following the end of apartheid. Fellow directors of the company included Simon Mann an ex-SAS officer, and British financier Tony Buckingham. EO employed soldiers from the infamous South African Buffalo Battalion and Koevoet whose function was to assassinate anti-apartheid activists in the era of apartheid and whose motto was “Shoot to kill”.

Simon Mann is currently languishing behind bars following a botched attempt at trying to overthrow the president of oil-rich Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema, in March 2004.

Mann was caught red-handed after his $3 million 727 landed on the tarmac of Harare Airport with 68 mercenaries on board in order to pick up $200,000 worth of arms bound for Equatorial Guinnea. Mann was held at Chikurubi maximum security prison in Zimbabwe for four years until his recent secret extradition to Equatorial Guinnea where he is expected to face further charges.

Mann initially pleaded not guilty to charges of attempted coup instead claiming that the weapons were intended for use in protecting a diamond mine in the Democratic Republic of Congo. He now admits, “I was the manager, not the architect, not the main man.”
Simon Mann and friends
Mann shackled.

Mann places ex-premier Margaret Thatcher’s son, Sir Mark (“Scratcher”) at the heart of the coup attempt claiming Thatcher was obsessed with how best to exploit the country’s oil riches after deposing of President Teodoro Obiang Nguema. He also accuses London-based oil dealer Eli Calil of setting him up. These allegations were due to be broadcast by Channel 4 just recently but his wife, Amanda Mann, obtained a last minute High Court injunction preventing the programme from being aired. Amanda Mann claims that his allegations have been made “under duress”. Mann’s lawyer Anthony Kerman states:

“We believe that Mr Mann’s interests could be irreparably harmed if the broadcast takes place. I haven’t seen the piece but we do believe that there may be admissions which he makes against his own interests and there may be allegations in the piece, too. [Channel 4] says that he talks frankly about the events leading up to his arrest. I’m told by other people that he may have said very considerably more than that, but that is sufficient for me to be very concerned.” The injunction prohibits the channel from broadcasting its interview because “it is not apparent he could properly consent to the interview taking place”.

Anthony Kerman is a friend of Calil and it is more likely that Mann’s revelations would land Calil in it than compromise Mann’s defence any further. Mann was surprised to learn that the lawyer his wife appointed to represent him is connected to Calil. Some of Mann’s claims implicate members of the establishment (Would hearing that one Lord Archer. “JH Archer”, that’s Jeffrey Howard Archer, was involved surprise you? But now Mann feigns bewilderment that Archer’s name and that of EU commissioner Peter Mandelson were ever raised in connection with the coup.)

Both were friends of Calil. Asked if they had any involvement Mann said, “They’ve got none at all. God knows where that came from.” So clearly frank discussions on the failed coup and it’s backers would not be welcome right now in certain quarters. South Africa and Spain are also implicated, Mann states that they encouraged him to overthrow Obiang.

Spain, the former colonial power of Equatorial Guinnea, which sought oil contracts in EQ and which has given refuge to Guinnea opposition leader, Severo Moto, says that Mann’s claims are “completely baseless”.

While I can only imagine that the likes of Buckingham and his network will be spitting blood at the thought. It is puzzling that Amanda Mann is helping to facilitate suppressing her husband’s attempts to clear his name.

The Channel 4 interview was however broadcast on 11th March 2008 following the collapse of the case in the High Court. Channel 4 reporter, Jonathan Miller, says that it was indeed the wish of Mann that the interview be broadcast. Watch here. Speaking from Black Beach Mann sings “like a canary.”

Mann has a long and colourful history involving conflicts across the African continent. He was one of Executive Outcomes movers and shakers.

Executive Outcomes becomes the first corporate army to set foot in Africa since the 19th century

Executive Outcomes was described as the military wing of Branch Energy. It is ‘arguably the world’s first corporate army… the advance guard for major business interests engaged in a scramble for the mineral wealth of Africa.’

“Mercenary companies are increasingly being hired to play a direct role in controlling or changing the balance of power in Africa. Corporations provide the funds for cash strapped client governments or rebel armies and in return they are rewarded with access to strategic mineral and energy resources.”

Mann, through Executive Outcomes, is deeply implicated in the Sierra Leone civil war. But it was a Kenyan businessman, Sanjiyvan Ruprah, that first introduced Executive Outcomes to the Sierra Leone government of Valentine Strasser in 1995. EO was tasked with driving away the Revolutionary United Front. Executive Outcomes also owned Branch Energy, Ruprah managed its Kenyan subsidiary. Branch Energy was promised diamond concessions in the Koidu mines in exchange for their services. On 22 July 1995 a 25-year mining lease over the diamond field was granted to Branch Energy.The RUF were defeated in 1996 and Ahmed Tehan Kabbah came to power following elections. Kabbah promptly cancelled EO’s contract with the government. A subsidiary of Executive Outcomes named Lifeguard stayed behind to guard Branch Energy’s diamond concessions and UN facilities in Freetown.

Branch Energy was shortly afterwards bought out by “Toxic” Bob Friedland’s Canadian based DiamondWorks (DW) company, originally known as Carson Gold. Friedland is a major shareholder in DiamondWorks through his control of Madras Holdings which holds a 21.2 percent interest. Naturally, DW became sole beneficiary of the Koidu diamond leases. A fact Friedland prefers to play down.

Tony Buckingham formerly the chairman of Branch Energy holds 125,000 share options in DW through two of his other companies, Hansard Management Services Ltd. and Hansard Trust, making him the biggest potential shareholder in Diamondworks. And yes, you guessed it! Simon Mann was right in the thick of it too, acting as DW’s chief operations officer.

In 1997 President Kabbah was overthrown by Johnny Paul Koroma’s Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) and Kabbah fled to Conakry, Guinea where he remained in exile temporarily. The AFRC quickly sided with the RUF. It was at this point that the international community placed an arms embargo on Sierra Leone.

British officials then plotted with Kabbah to take back the government. As the contract with Executive Outcomes had ended the job was given to Sandline International. Unfortunately there are no prizes for taking an educated guess at who owned Sandline International. Sandline’s mission was to provide security for western business interests in Africa by propping up governments that supported their interests and overthrowing those that got in their way.

While Koroma was in power none of the mines could operate properly. The UK government under Tony Blair used Sandline to smuggle weapons into Sierre Leone in direct contravention of the UN arms embargo in what became known as the “African Arms to Africa” affair. Thirty tons of Bulgarian arms were shipped to forces backing Ahmed Tejan Kabbah, the Sierre Leonian president in exile. Sandline sub-contracted EO mercenaries to Kabbah in exchange for diamond mining rights.

In Kenya, DW had interests in the country’s gold and diamonds. Their man in Kenya was initially Raymond Moi who partnered up with Ruprah in the failed aviation company Simba Air owned by it’s associate Ibis Air (registered in Kenya and Angola) which in turn was owned by Executive Outcomes. Ibis Air’s fleet was impressive and included two MI-17 helicopters, two Hind M24 gunships, two jet fighters, several Boeing 727 transports together with a number of other small aircraft. A potent force for any embattled ruler or rebel group.

Ruprah was also a business partner of Victor Bout. It could only have been Victor Bout who flew illegal weapons into Sierra Leone under the UN arms embargo. Only Victor Bout enjoyed close relations with the Bulgarian government and had the capacity to carry those weapons. Further damning proof comes from the Bulgarian government who informed the UN that with only one exception Victor Bout’s company Air Cess was the main transporter of Bulgarian weapons to Africa. See here.

Ruprah’s tentacles prior to his Belgian arrest stretched into the Democratic Republic of Congo and reveal some further interesting connections. Ruprah had controlling shares in Little Rock Mining, Tenfield Holdings, Colliers Ventures, Sapora Mining and Intermarket which were engaged in mining around North Kivu and the diamond mining town of Kisangani. It is therefore no surprise to learn that the military chief of Congolese rebels, James Kabare, and Rwanda president Paul Kagame also had interests in those mining operations. I’ve written about Kagame and this business here.

DiamondWorks was dissolved after facing near bankruptcy in 2001 and became Energem Resources. Energem has just launched itself on the London stock market as a renewable-energy business.

Tony Teixeira is the deputy executive chairman of Energem. Teixeira you may recall was dubbed the “merchant of death” by Labour mp Peter Hain who accused him in 2000 of being involved in the illegal movement of diamonds and fuel in Angola. Interestingly, Energem have recently denied that Buckingham is or has ever been a director, actually they say it is not known whether he was ever a director! Teixeira has also challenged Peter Hain to make his allegations against him outside of Parliament. Hain was recently forced to step down after some irregularities concerning undeclared contributions

Energem owns the Kisumu Ethanol Plant which belonged to the Odinga’s. The Odinga’s company Spectre International acquired the Kisumu Ethanol Plant five days after Kanu and Odinga’s National Development Party entered into a partnership that eventually led to a merger of the two parties under Kenya’s second president Daniel Arap Moi.

Former Commissioner of Lands Mr Sammy Mwaita sold the plant to the Odinga’s for a paltry $55,000 in 2001. By June that year Odinga was minister for Energy. Odinga then struck a deal with Energem in 2003 who acquired a 55% stake in the family firm Spectre International for $2 million. The Odinga’s claim that Spectre International is wholly ownded by Energem. However, Raila’s elder brother Dr Oburu Odinga and his sister Ruth presently sit on the board of Energem and the molasses plant is now being used to produce ethanol. The firm today is valued at $100 million.

All these companies, Executive Outcomes (now trading as Aegis Defence Systems), Sandline Interational, Branch Energy, Energem (previously DiamondWorks) all these firms under their various guises are controlled by a shadowy trading group called Plaza 107 which has a suite in Chelsea, London on the King’s Road, which it shares with Heritage Oil and Gas. Energem claim that they merely rent office space on the King’s Road and have nothing to do with Plaza 107 belying the fact that much of the work is sub-contracted out to affiliates and subsidiaries of these companies. Plaza 107’s sister company in South Africa is Strategic Resources Corporation Africa.

EO was employed to protect the mining interests of Heritage Oil and Gas, a firm listed on the Canadian stock exchange and currently involved with drilling oil and gas in the Great Lakes region. Heritage’s president was one Tony Buckingham. And so it goes on and on.

Poverty is central to Africa’s conflicts. It is therefore imperative that Africa’s resources be used to develop the continent, until that happens conflicts will continue to tear the continent apart. Furthermore, what is worrying about the trend to increasingly privatise conflicts as we have seen in Angola, Sierre Leone and DRC is that as private mercenary companies become ever richer and more powerful they will be able to use this power to prop up unfavourable military juntas and despots for access to Africa’s oil and mineral resources.

Whole chunks of Africa are being handed to these private mercernaries and it’s time their activities are addressed by international bodies. A recent intelligence report states that EO gained a reputation for efficiency particularly with rulers of smaller African countries who saw the UN as slow and cumbersome with it often getting bogged down in operations that maintained the status quo rather than allowing one side to resolve the issue.

Time is running out for Africa and if nothing is done to squash private mercenary companies now Africa will continue to remain a prisoner to the greed of an elite, that sadly contains Africans who are more than happy to employ these companies to further their own interests. I have steadfastedly avoided describing these mercenary companies as “private military companies,” the new acceptable face of neo-colonialism because the new expression hides the fact that they are “dogs of war.”

Check what Jack Straw, UK foreign secretary of the time said about the PMCs “…[a] reputable private military sector might have a role in enabling the UN to respond more rapidly and effectively to crises” or “Today’s world is a far cry from the 1960s when private military activity usually meant mercenaries of the rather unsavoury kind involved in post-colonial or neo-colonial conflicts.”

Limbs hacked. Children soldiers. Failed regimes. Who would have thought that a Labour government could betray so many beyond our shores?

Just as “collateral damage” hides the dead bodies, PMCs also hides the truth that a new scramble for Africa is on.

P.S. Sandline has now gone on to acquire a new identity as Aegis Defence Systems and is currently working in Iraq where it was given a $293 million security contract. A few years ago it was involved in criminal actions involving its contractors who were shown in a “trophy” video spraying Iraqi civilian vehicles with bullets.

Toxic Chemicals Dumped in Mombasa Cause Health Hazard

Hundreds of people living near the Mombasa port have been treated for illnesses after containers of leaking chemicals were dumped nearby.
Mombasa - KCCL container toxic leak
The two containers which belonged to Uganda’s Kasese Cobalt Company Limited (KCCL) were dumped in Kipevu about a month ago after a driver noticed a leak. KCCL admitted ownership of the chemical cargo but denied responsibility for the leak. “That is our cargo. Until it is in Kasese we are not responsible for what happens to it along the way,” said Mr Gupta Pradeep, the Finance and Administration Manager of Kasese Cobalt Company Limited. The toxic cargo had been shipped from Mumbai, India.

According to local sources up to 1500 residents of Mombasa’s Kalahari slum were worst affected when forty tons of chemicals containing 37% nitric acid began to leak causing breathing difficulties, stomach upsets, chest pains and two miscarriages. The toxic cargo seeped into the ground and the latrine system affecting residents. According to the Kenya’s Daily Nation one woman was seriously scalded when she slipped and fell in the sludge. Another resident miscarried after using the latrines.

Ms Kibibi, whose house was near the chemical spill, alleges she miscarried as a result. “It was a three-month-old pregnancy. I had gone to the toilet, while there I was hit by a strong fume,” she told BBC. “I quickly gathered myself up and ran towards my room but couldnt manage – I fell down and started bleeding immediately.”

It is believed that many other people have been affected by the leak but have not yet sought medical attention.

The chemicals also corroded the metal sheets used to build houses and melted anything made of plastic. Animals were also affected with residents reporting that some animals had died.

KCCL’s Gupta Pradeep blamed the Ugandan shipping company Southern Enterprise. KCCL general manager Bob Jennings told the BBC that the leak was reported by Southern Enterprise at least one month ago but Kenya’s National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) says the problem was reported less than two weeks ago after the containers had already been dumped in the residential area.

NEMA claim that the area has been cleaned up now but the BBC’s Joseph Odhiambo visited the area and reported that yellow fumes could still be seen leaking from the containers and the ground was covered in black sludge.

Mombasa Municipal Council chief health officer Josephant Maithya told the BBC that the area is still not safe. While Mr Nassir Rashid, the director of environment at the Mombasa Municipal Council said samples of the chemicals have been sent to the government chemist for identification. Rashid says the chemicals are extremely toxic and so far more than 1,500 villagers have been treated for various illnesses caused by the chemicals.

The containers were on their way to Uganda when they were dumped. Mombasa Municipal Council has ordered KCCL to appear in court and residents are now demanding compensation.

Kasese Cobalt Company Limited is involved with extracting and refining cobalt near the town of Kasese in Uganda. It is 75% owned by Blue Earth Refineries Inc, a Canadian company which was registered as a corporate entity in the Virgin Islands in 2004. The remaining 25% stake in KCCL is held by the Ugandan government.

Blue Earth sprang from MFC Bancorp which is an Austrian financial services group owned by MFC Merchant Bank S.A., a fully licensed Swiss bank in Herisau, Switzerland.

Blue Earth’s refinery, located at Kasese, Uganda, restarted operations in May, 2004, and has operated continuously since that time. During the 2004 calendar year, it produced 962,000 pounds of 99.8 percent pure cobalt, generating gross revenues of US$15.2 million. In 2005, the company will have a full year of operations, with sales revenue anticipated at approximately US$22 million, generating estimated surplus cash of approximately US$8.5 million. These projections are based on an estimated average market price of US$17.50 per pound for the balance of 2005, with cash flow increasing by US$1.5 million (or approximately US$0.10 per issued share) for every US$1.00 per pound increase in the estimated average market price of cobalt.

30,000 flee their homes in Western Kenya

KITALE, Kenya – The army on Monday used heavy firepower to crack down on a group linked to bloody clashes over land, officials in western Kenya said, a day before parliament was to debate and possibly adopt a power-sharing deal.

The violence in the western Mount Elgon region underlines how difficult it will be for Kenya to retreat from the edge of violent breakup, even though politicians who clashed bitterly for weeks over a disputed presidential election now are talking peace.

Fred Kapondi, a Mount Elgon member of parliament, said people are fleeing “aerial bombing and harassment from the army.”

However, Mohamud Birik, the local district commissioner, denied the army is targeting villagers.

“What the army is doing is to track down the militiamen and not intimidating or harassing residents,” Birik said.

Defense Department spokesman Bogita Ongeri declined to give details of the army’s Mount Elgon operation, saying only troops were in the area to assist local officials.

Ochiemo Cheptai, who identified himself as chairman of the Mount Elgon chapter of the Kenya Red Cross, said 30,000 people fled their homes after the army began pursuing members of the Sabaot Land Defense Force on Sunday.

Red Cross officials in Nairobi challenged the 30,000 figure, saying they have not yet assessed the numbers fleeing.

A week ago, 13 people were burned alive or hacked to death in the Mount Elgon region in an attack that police blamed on the Sabaot Land Defense Force. No one has claimed responsibility for the March 3 attack.

Mount Elgon has seen frequent, bloody clashes over land, with some 800 people killed and tens of thousands displaced since 2006, according to the Center for Human Rights and Democracy in the Rift Valley.

When President Mwai Kibaki and opposition leader Raila Odinga each claimed victory in Dec. 27 presidential elections, their dispute unleashed weeks of bloodshed, killing more than 1,000 people and exposing divisions over land and economic inequality.

The Mount Elgon violence echoes other disputes in the Rift Valley that can be traced back to Kenya’s colonial era, when white settlers seized land in the western Rift Valley. Since independence old bitterness has occasionally erupted over land, more frequently with the return of multiparty politics in 1991.

Kibaki and Odinga agreed to a power sharing deal on Feb. 28 after a month of negotiations mediated by former U.N. chief Kofi Annan, with Kibaki continuing as president and Odinga taking a new prime minister’s post. That deal has been transformed into two bills — one a constitutional amendment proposal, on which parliament will open debate Tuesday.

Debating and passing bills can be a lengthy process in Kenya, but politicians have managed to do it in as little as a day in the past, meaning Kenyans could have a new power-sharing constitution at the end of Tuesday and Odinga could take office within days.

The proposed constitutional amendment would create the positions of prime minister and two deputy prime ministers. The other bill defines the functions of the prime minister, including the power to “coordinate and supervise” the government.

The bill also states that the prime minister must be the leader of the largest party or coalition in parliament and can only be dismissed by a vote of no-confidence — meaning the prime minister would not be beholden to the president.

The bill says the grand governing coalition will be dissolved if parliament is dissolved, which under the constitution will automatically lead to elections. The coalition partners also can agree in writing to dissolve it or one coalition partner can withdraw following a written decision by that party’s highest decision making body.

In the past week, politicians across the divide have endorsed the power-sharing deal, an indication lawmakers will pass the bills with speed and without much resistance.

Once the bills become law and a new government is formed, it will face major tasks, including helping the half-million people displaced by the past two month’s violence and stemming losses in what was once one of Africa’s most promising economies.

One young woman, changed

March 8 is International Women’s Day.

In preparation, the staff reporters of African Woman and Child Feature Service have been traveling around the country this week, gathering women’s stories about the post-election violence.

I went to Eldoret, a community that was briefly in the international spotlight after dozens of people who were taking in a shelter were burned to death.

I talked with women who are living in camps for displaced people, Kalenjin women who are married to Kikuyu men, people who are left without jobs because their Kikuyu employers have fled.

All of the stories are moving. However, for those of us living here, none of them are particularly new.
Mercy Moses- Eldoret

The tale of Mercy Moses surprised me, though. She’s a 21-year-old woman from a middle class Kalenjin family. Nothing particularly terrible has happened to her directly. Nonetheless, the way she thinks about her safety and her future has changed significantly…

Moses is wandering the dusty roads of an estate on the edges of Eldoret. She’s fashionably dressed in a skirt, blouse, and long, white scarf. She greets friends in the road. Most are people she’s known for most of her 21 years.

As she walks through her neighborhood, she points to houses that were abandoned during the post-election violence. She gestures toward hills that are scorched black by the fires that razed Kikuyu shambas to the ground.

She says the chaos at home began on December 30.

“After the [election] results were announced, everything went haywire. I knew things were bad when I saw a group of youths, at least 800, walking together. People had crude weapons: rungus, pangas. I saw police with guns and teargas canisters. I saw houses being burned.”

Moses is Kalenjin. She says at the end of that first day of violence in Eldoret, she called her friends one-by-one to see how they are. It was only then, scrolling through the list of names in her mobile phone, that she realized her group of friends is a great mix of ethnicities.

“I never actually though about it,” Moses says. “I am of the generation that was brought up to know that this is Mark, this is Nduati, this is Timothy, this is so and so. It never really hit me that you’re a Kikuyu, you’re a Luo, you’re a Kalenjin. It’s only until the chaos began that it hits you.”

At least seven of her life-long friends have fled Eldoret. Moses says she is sure that one family will not return. The others are trying to sell their property and build new homes elsewhere.

Still, Moses says, the recent conflict has not changed the way she feels about her comrades.

“These are people I call my lifelong friends. As much as they are no longer in town, they are still my friends. If anything happens, it is them that I lean on.”

Moses is dating a young Kikuyu man. She says their relationship is still strong, despite the recent bloody revival of long-standing Kikuyu-Kalenjin land clashes. While they do not talk about politics together, Moses says they do pray for peace in Kenya.

While her friendships have not changed, Moses says her sense of safety at home has.

In late January a close friend of hers was raped at knife point. Moses says her friend thought she was boarding a taxi but ended up in the hands of two unknown men. Since then, Moses says she is much more careful about when she travels and with whom.

“I think I am getting paranoid but maybe it’s for the better,” she says. “I can’t board a private car right now. If I have to travel somewhere, I’d rather use public means. I don’t travel past six. I travel only during the day.”

She and her friends used to meet in town every afternoon during the holidays, for ice cream and movies and shopping. They would return home by eight or nine at night. Now, she says, they meet mid-morning so that everyone is home long before dark.

Not far from her family’s home, Moses rounds a corner to find four young men walking toward her. She looks up at them and edges to the other side of the street.

“Seeing a group of men freaks me out,” she says. “I see a group of young people and I think they are up to no good.”

Moses is studying business and economics at a school in Nyanza. Their Christmas vacation has been extended to April because of the clashes. While at home, Moses has been running a small business of her own, making mandazis and groundnuts for her family’s shop.

When she graduates, Moses says she would like to start a tourism business. There is not much tourism in Eldoret. Before the December election, Moses says she was willing to move out of her home area to a more tourism-rich area. The recent violence has made her question such a move.

“I think I’ll really consider where I settle later on in life,” she says. “I’ll have to consider how safe it is and the political climate and all. I wouldn’t have thought of that before.”

She says she never imagined she would see so much violence in Eldoret, or in Kenya. Although she voted in December, she says she does not plan to vote in 2012. Moses believes in democracy but, right now, she is skeptical about the potential for fair democratic process in Kenya.

She says Kenyans need to come clean about the violence that has wracked this country over the past ten weeks. People who have wronged one another need to sit together and explain their actions. Only then will people be ale to move forward as one nation.

“I want to be in a land where people live where they want to live, without the insecurity of the five-year deal. Right now, people are thinking, things will cool and after five years [at the next elections] it will be the same story. I am hoping for a Kenya that will have peace. Not just peace for the moment, but Peace-peace.”

The reporter was Sara Nics


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